Hiphoperization and Blingification: The Commodification of all Things Hip-Hop

Sandra Zichermann - Doctoral Candidate, University Professor

Hip-hop/rap can be traced back to New York City block parties in the 1970s, and N.W.A. (acronym for Niggas With Attitude) was one of the first popular groups that changed the face of rap, by exposing a new, incendiary, in-your-face brand of rap, which was quickly labelled “Gangsta.” Guns, drugs, and anti-police rhetoric became the favour of the day, a stylistic viewpoint that still persists to this day (Dyson, 2007, p.v-vi).

Hayes (2006) argues in his dissertation that hip-hop has become more mainstream through the process of being taken up by white, suburban audiences and has been integrated into television programming, movies, and other genres of music and literature. The dominance and power of hip-hop music as a cultural phenomenon is evident in fashion trends created by artists, in the design of cars, and even in political/consumer activism such as the ONE campaign espoused by artists such as Diddy. The MAC campaign to fight HIV/AIDS, which is supported by Mary J. Blige, is an example of many other initiatives that have been taken.

Davis (1992), Richardson & Scott (2002), Lusane (2004), and Dyson (2007) all argue that hip-hop/rap represents the voices of alienated, frustrated, and rebellious Black youth who are aware of their vulnerable, marginal positions in post-industrial America. They are forced to struggle to find their voices.

I see parallels between these researchers’ arguments, and the history of hip-hop/rap music in the sense that hip-hop can be traced to the need of young people to find an avenue of expression and to engage in resistance to white hegemony through the establishment of their own identities.

The argument about whether hip-hop/rap is a form of resistance, a form of service to white hegemony, or a combination of both, cannot be answered in a simple way, since various critical theorists have differing opinions. Ice Cube who explains his fondness for hip-hop/rap in a conversation with Angela Davis (1992) by stating, “Hip-hop/Rap is a culture, a school system and one of the best school systems that we have” (Davis, 1992, p.189). Richardson & Scott (2002) argue, “As offensive as some lyrics may be, they speak the ‘truth’ as constructed by an isolated black urban youth culture in a land of plenty” (p.188). I see similarities between the comment by Ice Cube in Davis’s work (1992) and the argument by Richardson & Scott (2002) in the sense that both believe that rap enables youth from the street to learn life lessons and express those experiences in their music.

Richardson & Scott (2002) argue, “Rap music, just one entertainment form, represents a small segment of the multi-billion dollar entertainment media industry” (p.176). Yet this “small segment” is still viewed as a powerful and dominant player in the overall music industry. These organizations do not just produce and distribute the music of artists; but they also shape the artists’ identities and, arguably, shape the perceptions of the listener and consumer (Binkowski, 1996; Cohen, 1997).

Hiphoperization and Blingification: The Commodification of all Things Hip-Hop

I have coined the term hiphoperization to specifically address the growing consumerism and commodification of hip-hop culture by Whites, Blacks and the “Other.” “White” refers to two groups of individuals: the White consumers, who can afford to consume the music, and the White executives (producers, distributors, record label heads), who create the image of the artist, package it, and distribute it via the media. Black people are also represented in one major group and two minor groups. They have more visible representation through the use of their labour as hip-hop/rap artists than members of any other minority group or any White individuals. Black consumers also play a role in hip-hop/rap, but their socioeconomic class does play a role in decisions about whether or not they can afford to purchase the music. Research has indicated that the majority of hip-hop/rap consumers are white youth. Therefore, the assumption may be made that these youth have higher socio-economic positions (class) than Black youth.

The emergence of Black executives directing hip-hop/rap labels such as Interscope/Death Row Records is becoming more visible. However, this movement into corporate positions has been slow. Even when Black individuals make the move into executive positions, they are usually with “smaller labels” (Kitwana, 2005, p.46) and the move may not be permanent. Frequently, such labels are taken over by larger enterprises.

I have developed the term “blingification,” which is defined as the commodification of bling culture. For the first time, this term gives a meaning to how “bling” (jewellery, cars, and material objects) are consumed and promoted in hip-hop/rap culture. Blingification is the over-arching use of “bling” to provide an image of wealth, power, prestige, and control (Boyd, 2002). The results of this promotion of “bling” within the hip-hop/rap music industry can differ in various circumstances. It can be seen as both empowering and disempowering; the paradox lies in the fact that the interpretation of experience may vary. One could view the promotion of “bling” as an overdue assertion of individual identity that signals emergence from the ghetto (empowering). Another observer might view the glorification of “bling” as an excessive valuation of products, which are used simply because they are prestigious and part of the “ideal” culture (disempowering). Dyson (2007) argues, “We can’t hypocritically condemn the younger generation for their bling and their materialism, especially since those are staples of American culture” (p.82).

Sandra Zichermann

Doctoral Candidate, University Professor

Hip-Hop/Rap Scholar
sandra.Zichermann@gmail.com